By Sykes, circa
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4 lists 31 industrial sectors by the type of reorganisation which they were undergoing in the period of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Massey and Meegan then go on to examine the spatial implications of the three types of reorganisation. Intensification reduces the level of labour employed in plants but does not involve plant closure. It does not have major spatial effects as there are no job transfers between regions and no new job creations at new locations. Rationalisation is different. It involves no new locations, and changes of productive capacity take place within the stock of existing locations.
A study comparing firms in Glasgow with a similar group in the smaller manufacturing towns of Lanarkshire (Lever, Danson and Malcolm, 1981) cited industrial relations as a problem in about one-fifth of the plants surveyed, and as a greater problem in the inner city than in the small towns. The same study also found that high rates of labour turnover were a greater problem to inner-city firms than to those in the smaller towns where the range of alternative employment was restricted. The second area of risk-minimisation is in the field of ‘unfortunate effects’ of local authority policy.
No one employer is likely to be so relatively large as to warrant special treatment by the local authority. Evidence to support this hypothesis, although piecemeal and at times anecdotal, does exist. The most obvious area of urban policy which may have a prejudicial effect on local industry—urban renewal—is often associated with urban road construction. In the Theory and methodology in industrial geography 25 context of Glasgow, early urban renewal was largely restricted to residential areas; the effect on local industry was indirect through dislocation of the local labour market, especially for female workers.